Following the Break of Dromore on the 14th March 1689, the east of Ulster was firmly under the control of the Jacobites, commanded by Lieutenant General Richard Hamilton. This included the coastal town of Carrickfergus, situated along Belfast Lough (known as Carrickfergus bay in the 17th century). However, this all changed following the Jacobite failures to capture Derry and Enniskillen, and the Williamite victory at the Battle of Newtownbutler. This allowed the Williamite General, The Duke of Schomberg to act offensively against the Jacobites in Ulster. Schomberg’s army would land at Bangor Bay on the 13th August. His flag onboard the Cleveland, was raised, signalling for his troops to disembark. Some confusion ensued regarding the artilerry convoy, having reamined put in Ramsay Bay, Isle of Man. It wasn’t until HMS Antelope departed Belfast Lough, informing them to make hast and meet Schomberg’s forces in Bangor Bay. Once arrived, the total sum of the Williamite forces incuded; 5 regiments of English cavalry, 9 battalions of English infantry and 1 regiment of French Huguenots. Much to the surprise of the Williamites, they landed unopposed. Given the Jacobite garrisons in Carrickfergus, Bangor and Belfast, their surprise is most understandable. The following day was spent with much preparation for the incoming conflict with the Carrickfergus garrison. News had reached the Jacobites at Carrickfergus wiith a siege imminent, the Jacobites spent the week of the 14th August carrying out a scorched earth policy, to torch the suburbs surrounding the town and the surrounding areas of Carrickfergus,denying the Williamite army resources and defending cover. On the 15th Schomberg would respond by sending 250 cavalrymen from the Lord of Kingston’s regiment investigate the situation in Belfast and Lisburn. Subsquently, Colonel Henry Wharton’s infantry battalion took hold of Belfast, whilst on the 16th men from the Earl of Drogheda’s regiment under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Toby Caulfield arrived in Antrim town to find it deserted. Schomberg would arrive, and remain in Belfast until 19th August, securing communications with Bangor where the fleet base remained. This further compounded the difficulties already facing the Jacobites, with the Western Protestant Army having stood their ground at Derry and Enniskillen, and with a second Williamite army now in the picture
. Given the strong position of the Williamites in the north-west and a an ever stronger presence in the North East, the northern Jacobite commander and Governor of Carrickfergus, Colonel Thomas Maxwell ordered a general retreat to Newry. Maxwell would leave a garrison at Carrickfergus, headed by one battalion of Colonel Charles MacCarthy More and 9 companies of Cormac O’Neill’s regiment. On the 20th, Schomberg’s force, comprising 5 battalions, set forth for Carrickfergus. Additionally, they were joined by 16 troops of Enniskillen horse, forming an advanced guard of Kirke’s forces. With a bleak situation turner ever bleaker, their orders were clear; stall Schomberg’s advancing army. Schomberg was eager to end hostilities in Carrickfergus as quickly as possible, wishing to arrive in Dublin before winter. He would quickly instigate negotiations with Carrickfergus’ garrison, beating the drum and calling for surrender. A parlay was granted, with MacCarthy More requesting they be able to send a letter to King James II requesting advice. Schomberg denied the request, citing it as nothing more time wasting. Shortly thereafter, the Jacobite garrison’s artillery commenced fire, with one round taking out Schomberg’s personal tent. Fortunately, for Schomberg, he was not present, attending other duties in camp. Fighting continued throughout the rest of the day, and through the night into the 21st, with the Williamite sappers digging trenches in a bid to move closer towards the town walls. Additionally, the Williamite artillery would begin firing upon the castle itself. Heavy canoon and mortar bombardment continued into the following day. To add to the woes of the defending Jacobites, further Willimaite reinforcements arrived at the White House, a short distance from Carrickfergus. A further 4 battalions of infantry, 1 of dragon and 1 of cavalry were included within this band of reinforcements. A second parley was arranged on the 23rd, this time Macarthy More requested that the Jacobite garrison be allowed to surrender under the full honours of war. Schomberg once again rejected their request, ordering an unconditional surrender.
The Willimaites suffered problems of their own; first engineer Captain Jacob Richards was wounded and was removed from the siege trenches. Schomberg himself was required to step up to the plate, given that no one else had any experience conducting siege warfare, and not to mention his many years experience fighting on the continent. As a result of Schomberg’s orders, the guns on Windmill Hill took aim at the castle from the west, and the North Gate. Furthermore, orders were given to fire upon Lord Donegal’s house, as it had been reveled that it had been taken over by the Jacobites who had placed cannon upon it. On the 24th, a man known as “Mr Spring” escaped from the town and reported directly to Schomberg a number of interesting develoopments within the walls. The most important piece of information he relayed was that many within the garrison were calling for surrender, highlighting the very low stores of gunpowder. The situation was so dire that the garrison had to resort to using lead from the roof to make musket balls. The only obstacle in preventing this surrender was Governor MacCarthy More and Colonel Owen MacCarthy. To further compound the besieged wishes for surrender, a breach had been made at the North Gate of the town. Furthermore, Schomberg gave orders for the Royal Navy vessels in Carrick harbour to commence bombardment. On the 27th August, with the Williamite regiments poised to make an assault upon the breach, the white flag was flown from the Jacobite garrison.The Jacobites had held out for as long as possible. To a certain extent, the Jacobites achieved the original objective laid before them by Colonel Maxwell in stalling the Williamite advance. Schomberg who was most eager to depart from Carrickfergus, reversed his earlier decision, and permitted the Jacobite garrison the full honours of war, allowing them to march to the nearest Jacobite garrison at Newry and Charlemont; “The Garrison consisted of near Two thousand Men, and though at the first Summons sent them by the Duke of Schom∣berg, they were so stout as to refuse to hearken to any Conditions of Surren∣der, yet their Courage not continuing long, they accepted of the Terms of Marching out with Colours flying Arms, and Drums beating, &c. and to go to Charlemont”. They set forth on the 28th, being accompanied by their families, under an escort of Williamite cavalry of Colonel John Coy’s regiment of horse. The escort made it no further than 2km before the Jacobites were beset upon by Protestant civilains in retaliation for the injustices they suffered under the Jacobites. Schomberg himself was forced to enter the ensuing choas, pistol in hand, to prevent a potenital massacre. With Sir Henry Ingoldsby’s battalion left in Carrickfergus, Schomberg would attempt to reach Dublin before Winter set in. Such was not to be, having to make Winter quarters at Dundalk.
Bibliography
Childs, J. (2007) The Williamite Wars in Ireland. London: Bloomsbury Publishing PLC.
Maguire, W.A. (1990) Kings in conflict: The revolutionary war in Ireland and its aftermath, 1689-1750. Belfast:
Blackstaff Press.
Pestana, C.G. and Salinger, S.V. (2021) ‘Anon., a full and true account of the besieging and taking of Carrickfergus
by the duke of Schomberg (1689)’, The Early English Caribbean, 1570–1700, pp. 383–385.
doi:10.4324/9781003113027-38.
Story , G.W. (1691a) An Impartial History Of The Wars In Ireland
Situated within the grounds of Ward Park, Bangor Co.Down, is a deck gun from SM U-19. Gifted to the people of Bangor in honour of one of its bravest sons, The Hon. Edward Barry Stewart Bingham, hero of the Battle of Jutland and recipient of the Victoria Cross The gun remains a permanent fixture of Ward Park, beloved many as a curio of the past, and a right of passage for many a child to climb upon its barrel.
SM-U19 has the rather unfortunate honour of being the first U-Boat causality of the First World War, after having been rammed by HMS Badger. She was recovered however, and received extensive repairs to her hull. After repair, U-19 was rather active during the remainder of the war, sinking a number of ships of the coast of Ireland, including such places as Lough Swilly, Larne and Rathlin Island. With the armistice came the surrendering of U-19 to the British Navy, and afterwards, its dismantling.
However, the most interesting story in U-19’s illustrious career was the passenger she was carrying. Roger Casement, famed Irish Nationalist, negotiated with the German government to send some 25,000 captured Russian rifles and over 1,000,000 rounds of ammunition. Furthermore, the Germans gave Casement permission to raise an “Irish Brigade” from amongst the 2,000 or so Irish prisoners of war held captive by the Germans. However, enthusiasm amongst the Irish POWs to form an Irish Brigade was low, citing the treasonous ways of Casement, given their politically moderate outlook. They also feared execution should they be captured by the British.
Casement, along with two other men, Robert Monteith and Sergeant Daniel Beverly, departed Germany onboard the first of two submarines, the SM U-20. However, she suffered mechanical problems. SM U-19 was commanded by Raimund Weisbach (responsible for the sinking of RMS Lusitania) and would be the means of transport to Ireland. Casement would arrive ashore at Banna Strand, Tralee Bay, County Kerry on 21st April 1916, three days prior to the Easter Rising. Casement’s endeavour, however, would end in a most lacklustre manner. Mere hours after arriving in Ireland, Casement was arrested, found hiding out in an Iron Age hillfort by an RIC Constable. The ship transporting the arms acquired from the Germans was also captured by the British, owing to a combination of navigational errors and poor planning from the rebel leadership.
Come 1920, U-19 was broken in the dockyards in Blyth. The main deck gun, made by the Krupp foundry of the Ruhr, was donated by the British Admiralty to Commander Edward Bingham in recognition of his heroic efforts during the Battle of Jutland, which earned him the Victoria Cross.
The inscription reads:
705R THIS GUN, TAKEN FROM GERMAN SUBMARINE U.B.19., WAS ALLOTTED TO BANGOR (COUNTY DOWN) BY THE ADMIRALTY IN RECOGNITION OF THE VALOROUS CONDUCT OF COMMANDER THE HON. EDWARD BARRY STEWART BINGHAM, OF H.M.S. “NESTOR”, AT THE BATTLE OF JUTLAND ON THE 31ST MAY 1916, FOR WHICH HE RECEIVED THE VICTORIA CROSS.
In 1776, a man from Strabane would be directly involved with one of the most important documents in modern history. That man was John Dunlap, who would become the first official printer to the Continental Congress.
Born in 1747, at Meeting House Street, Strabane, Co. Tyrone, Dunlap would be taken on as an apprentice at one of the twelve printing presses in the town. It is possible that Dunlap apprenticed at the last remaining printing press in Strabane, Gray’s Printing Press. At the age of ten, John Dunlap would emigrate to the colonies in North America, settling in Philadelphia. He would begin work with his uncle, William, in his printing press before taking over himself at the age of 22. Dunlap would expand the business significantly, publishing what would become the first daily published newspaper in the United States; the Pennsylvania Packet and General Advertiser in 1771, and Dunlap’s Maryland Gazette, or, The Baltimore Advertser in 1775.
Dunlap’s expertise and experience did no go unnoticed. Come 1773, tensions were rising within the 13 colonies. This culminated in the establishment of The Continental Congress, and with this came Dunlap’s most significant, and lucrative of printings. On Tuesday, 4 July 1776, John Dunlap would receive an order from the Continental Congress stating;
“That the declaration be authenticated and printed. That the committee appointed to prepare the declaration, superintend and correct the press. That copies of the declaration be sent to the several assemblies, conventions and committees, or councils of safety, and to the several commanding officers of the continental troops; that it be proclaimed in each of the United States, and at the head of the army.”
In total, some 200 copies of the Declaration of Independence would printed in Dunlap’s press, just down the road from the Continental Congress. However, this number has never actually been verified and one must assume the number to be fairly low given the time Dunlap actually had. These copies, printed from the original manuscript written by Thomas Jefferson, would come to be known as the “The Dunlap Broadsides”. Evidence from a number of the surviving Dunlap Broadsides suggests that there was much haste in the printing process, such as folding of the paper before the ink had time to completely dry to the type not being entirely level in the printing press.
On the morning of July 5, copies of the Dunlap Broadsides were dispatched by members of Congress to various assemblies, conventions, and committees of safety as well as to the commanders of Continental troops, including the 13 colonies by order of the President of the Continental Congress, John Hancock. This included the New Jersey Convention, the Pennsylvania Committee and the Commander in Chief of the Continental Army, General George Washington. It must also be stated that Dunlap himself served as a soldier during the earlier phase of the war, acting as a bodyguard for Washington in the Pennsylvania’s city cavalry in the capacity of cornet. Dunlap would participate in the battles of Trenton and Princeton.
Dunlap’s significance often goes under the radar when compared to the great figures of the period, such as Washington, Franklin and Jefferson. However, John Dunlap played a most vital of roles during the American war of Independence and continues to be regarded as the greatest printer of the Declaration of Independence. As Emily Sneff wrote;
“The stories woven into the Dunlap broadside are what make it a truly fascinating edition of the Declaration of Independence. The first copy of a groundbreaking, foundational document was printed by a 29-year-old Irish immigrant, primarily on Dutch paper. Offsetting and a shifted imprint are evidence of a hurried and unpredictable printing process”.
With the stand off that started with the closing of the gates by the apprentice boys on the 7th December, having come to a close, the siege itself was underway. With the Jacobite threat ever present, those within the walls of Londonderry were required to muster a force of their own to repeal and thwart any advances made against their city. As such, both pre-existing and recently established regiments mustered companies of around sixty men who in turn would select a Captain, who would then designate a Colonel for the regiment. The regiments, with a total of some 117 companies are recorded as follows;[1]
No.companies
Colonel Walker (Rev George) to Sir A. Rawdon’s regiment (former dragoon regiment) 15
Major Baker to be Colonel of Lord Charlemont’s Regiment 25
Major Crofton to be Colonel of Canning’s Regiment 12
Major Mitchelburne to be Colonel of Hamilton’s Regiment 17
Lieutenant- Colonel Whitney to be Colonel of Hamilton’s Regiment 13
Major Parker to Command the Coleraine regiment 13
Captain Hamill to be Colonel of a regiment 14
Captain A. Murray to be Colonel of horse 8
Walker records a rough estimate of the population of the city at the outbreak of the siege;
This was our complement after having form’d our selves, as above mentioned ; but the Number of Men, Women and Children in the Town, was about Thirty thousand. Upon a Declaration of the Enemy to Receive and Protect all that would desert us, and return to their dwellings. Ten Thousand left us.[2]
Developments were taking place outside of the city too. The first Duke of Berwick, James FitzJames (illegitimate son of King James)[3] writes of James’ departure and the Jacobite capture of the nearby fort at Culmore;
When leaving, the King left Momont and Hamilton in command of the armies, bringing Mr de Rosen with him. After the King’s departure, we resolved to approach Londonderry, to block it, while waiting for that which was necessary for the siege. Momont, Hamilton, Pusignan and I went forward with four hundred infantrymen, the Tirconel Cavalry, and that of the Dungan Dragoon, bringing our sum to around seven hundred cavalrymen. We made our quarters near the Cullmore fort below Derry (Londonderry) on the same river; the captain of the fort surrendered first, although we had nothing with which to conquer it.[4]
With the rather lacklustre result of his appearance before the walls, James departed Londonderry for Dublin, leaving his two French Generals; de Maumont and de Pusignan with the task of taking the city. Maumont would act quickly, establishing a gun post on the east bank of the Foyle, at Stronges Orchard. Lord Louth would command 3,000 men along this eastbank, opposite Ship Quay gate, with a considerably strong detachment of men occupying Pennyburn Hill and cutting off communication between the city and Culmore Fort.[5] The Jacobites, however, were issued with the most inadequate of weaponry for siege warfare, particularly besieging such a place as Londonderry with its thick, low walls and angle bastions.[6] Whilst their mortars proved effective in destroying the morale of those behind the walls, their light cannon did little in the way to damage the walls.
With it becoming more clear to the Jacobites that the city would indeed not surrender, bombardment commenced the 21st April;
The Enemy placed a Demi- culverin, 180 Perches distant from the Town, E. B. N. on the other side the water : they play’d at the houses in the Town, but did little or no mischief only to the Market- house[7]
Furthermore, on the same day as the Jacobite bombardment, the Williamites made a series of decisive strikes of their own. Accounts record that a sally lead by Colonel Adam Murray of both foot and horse made for Pennyburn village, a mile or so north of Londonderry, repealing a Jacobite attempt to take the village. This would prove to be a most significant of events for the Williamites, with both of James’ French Generals killed during the engagement. Major General Puisgan would expire this day along with Lieutenant- General Maumont who was struck down by Murray’s blade;
Colonel Murray charged through that brigade, and had that day three personal encounters with their commander, in the last of which he killed him on the spot, whom the enemy themselves confessed to be Lieutenant- General Maumont[8]
Figure 13- A New Map of the / CITY of LONDONDERRY / with its Confines; / As it was beseiged by the IRISH ARMY in the Year 1689
Two days later, on the 23rd April, the Jacobites placed “two cannon” in the lower end of Strong’s Orchard, of the east bank of the Foyle, near “80 perches from the town”, opposite Ship Quay gate. The bombardment was constant, injuring many within the city, and causing significant damage to “Walls and Garrets”. Not all was to go in favour of the Williamites. With Culmore Fort (four miles north of Londonderry) cut off from communicating with the city, it was easy prey for the Jacobites, who took the fort with little opposition. It would have been a most futile endeavour for a garrison of only three hundred men to attempt any defence. The fortress was surrendered to the Duke of Berwick.
Over the next number of days, the Jacobites continued their relentless bombardment of the city. Walker records on the 25th April;
They placed their mortar pieces in the said orchard, and from thence played a few small bombs, which did little hurt to the town… they threw many large bombs, the first of which fell into a house while several officers were at dinner; it fell upon the bed of the room they were in but did not touch any of them.[10]
The intense Jacobite bombardment continued onto the 27th with ammunition being stored within St Columbs’ Cathedral for safe keeping. Ash recounts the relentless bombardment;
The bombs played hotly all night; eighteen were shot into the city, one fell on Mr Long’s house and killed a gentlewoman of eighty years old, a Mrs. Susannah Holding, and hurt many others.[11]
Figure 14- Jacobite gunner
The Jacobites, who had entrenched themselves at Windmill Hill, 500 yards or so from Bishop’s Gate, “begin a battery; from that they endeavour to annoy our walls”[12]. Governor Baker ordered the detaching of ten of every company to attack the besiegers. Mackenzie records the impatience of some of the defenders,“ the men were impatient, and ran out of their own accord, some at Bishop’s Gate, other at Ferryquay Gate”.[13] They pursued the Jacobites “so close, that they came to club-musket with it”. Ultimately, Windmill Hill would be another important victory for the Williamiates, killing the Jacobite Brigadier General Ramsay, and taking “four or five colours, several drums, fire-arms, some ammunition and good store of spades, shovels, and pick- axes”. It was only with the victory at Windmill Hill did Williamites learn Culmore Fort had fallen. Mackenzie writes;
Captain Noble and others found several letters in the pockets of the slain, giving them some intelligence, particularly about the surrender of Culmore.
Baker, acting on advice from his officers, resolves to better defend Windmill Hill from future attacks. He agrees to drawing a line across the hill from the bog to the water, setting men to securing the hill with redoubts to better defend from enemy cannon fire.
Further Williamite sallies continued. One of particular note saw further heroics from Adam Murray, who upon witnessing a party of 200 men under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Blair being cut off from the city by a large body of Jacobites, “rides along Bog-street, and through a party of the enemy behind a ditch fired incessantly at him, he went on to the place to warn them of the danger”.[14]
Figure 15- map of the siege showing position of mortars
The Jacobites, with their failures to take Pennyburn Village, and Windmill Hill, move their camps to Pennyburn Mill, Stronges Orchard and Ballyoughry. These camps, whilst allowing for a significant degree of fire into the city, also have the added benefit of reducing intelligence falling into enemy hands. Londonderry was completely surrounded by Jacobite positions come the 15th May. Their guns were brought to Ballyoughry, “with a design to strike the greater terror into the hearts of the besigied”.[15] About this time, several Williamite Captains; Noble, Cunningham and Archibald with 100 men capture the Jacobite held fort at Creggan. However, on their return to the city, they are set upon by enemy cavalry. Captain Cunningham and sixteen men are taken prisoner and killed on the orders of Colonel Piers Butler, Lord Galmoy.
For much of the siege, the Jacobites were issued with inappropriate means of besieging such a settlement as Londonderry with its thick, low walls and angle bastions. Fortunes would change for the Jacobites with the arrival of heavy siege guns and mortars on the 30th May. Matthew Plunkett, the 7th Baron Louth, and Lieutenant-General Bernard Desjean, Baron de Pointis are charged with bombarding the city with the newly arrived artillery pieces across the right bank of the Foyle. Even still, matters were not straightforward, with de Pontis’ inspection of the pieces revealing that the fuses for the bombs did not fit, some were too large, others too small.[16] Furthermore, de Pontis expected somewhere in the region of 500 shells for the siege, but only received 120.[17] However, with the matter solved, bombardment commenced proper. The mortars alone would fire close to 600 rounds into the city throughout the siege.
With time ever pressing on, and the increasing likelihood of a relief force from England, the Jacobites made steps to curtail any Williamite attempt to break the siege. De Pontis, a renowned military engineer, built a boom across the Foyle at the narrowest point of the river at brookhall, made of fir beams. Additionally, gun ports were constructed either side of the boom. Walker writes; “they draw their guns to Charles-Fort, a place of some strength upon the narrow part of the river, where ships were to pass; here they contrived to place a boom”.[18]
Figure 17- Marshall de Pontis
Figure 18- shows the boom on the Foyle along with Jacobite dragoon and Clancarty’s camps.
Bombs were thrown into the city both day and night. Between the 24th of April and the 22nd of July, they cast into the city 587 bombs, of which 326 were small and 261 were large. Of the larger, some weighed as much as 273 pounds.[19] After seven hellish weeks of almost continuous bombardment, starvation and disease, hope was literally within sight. On the 7th June, three advance ships from the fleet; HMS Greyhound, HMS Kingfisher and Edward and James, were spotted at Culmore Fort, with the aim of gathering intelligence on the condition of Londonderry and the Jacobite defences. However, the ship of Captain Gulliam, the Greyhound, in an attempt to survey the boom ran into difficulty after a failed attempt to smash the boom, is then fired upon buy the gun forts and became stuck on the sandbanks of the Foyle. “But one of them unfortunately run aground, and lay some time at the mercy of the enemies shot”.[20] The Jacobites taunted the Williamites; “The enemy called to us from their lines, to send down carpenters to mend her”.[21] The Greyhound was badly damaged after this exchange, and whilst her crew was able to set sail once again, the morale of the both the besieged and relief fleet took a mass blow.
With time once again against the Jacobites, Richard Hamilton issued orders to retake Windmill Hill. On the 4th June, roughly ten in the morning, the Jacobites attacked with both horse and foot. “The enemy approach to our works at the Windmill with a great body of foot and horse; our men ordered themselves so, that in each redoubt there were four, and in some five reliefs, so that they were in a posture of firing continually. The Irish divided their horse in three parties, and their foot in two”.[22] The horse attack at the lowest point of the river crossing, with the foot attacking the rest of the Williamite lines, with “the foot “who had also fagots of wood carried before them) attack the line betwixt the Windmill and the water”.[23] The following day, on the 4th, Mackenzie records the further Jacobite shelling of the city, with “great ones of 273lbs”.[24]
On 13th June, the rest of Kirke’s fleet was spotted on the Foyle, which “gave us at the present the joyful prospect, not only of the siege being soon raised, but of being furnished with provisions”. However, hopes were soon dashed for the besieged. Kirke’s fleet weighed anchor, and idled within the lough. “But when we saw them lie in the Lough, without any attempt to come up, it cast a cold damp on our too confident hopes, and sunk us as low as we were raised at the first sight of them”.[25]
Somehow, a messenger made his way from Kirke’s fleet, bypassing the Jacobite lines before arriving in Londonderry. A man by the name of Roche carried a letter from Kirke addressed to the Governors. He gave an account of the circumstances on the lough, such as the number of ships within the fleet, men, provisions and plans for the relief of the city. Walker would instruct Roche to return to the fleet, with a message describing the dire conditions within the city. However, such was his luck, or lack thereof, Roche was wounded by enemy fire and returned to the city. A second messenger, a man named McGimpsey reported to Murray, volunteering to deliver Walker’s message to Kirke. The letter, Mackenzie writes, was “tied in a little bladder, in which were put two musket bullets, that if the enemy should take him, he might break the little string wherewith it was tied about his neck, and so let it sink in the water”. [26] Unfortunately for the garrison, McGimspey never made it to the fleet. Whether he drowned, hit the boom or was struck by enemy fire, it is not known but a couple of days later, “they hung up a man on a gallows in the view of the city, and called over to us to acquaint us it was our messenger”.[27]
Figure 19- Marshal General de Rosen
Sometime between the 17th-24th June (accounts vary), the Marshal General of King James’ forces in Ireland, Conrad de Rosen returned to Londonderry. Rosen was not best pleased with the little progress made by the Jacobites. He ordered three mortar pieces and several pieces of ordnance to be placed on the Windmill hill side of the city, with two culverins opposite Butcher’s Gate.[28] Additionally, he orders his troops to dig a trench towards the half-bastion at the gate. On the 28th Lieutenant-Colonel Skelton, along with the recently arrived regiment of Lord Clancarty take the outworks of the city. Captains Noble and Dunbar, upon observing this, sally for Bishop’s Gate, where they proceed along the wall, allowing them to flank the Jacobites and “then thundered upon them”[29] before forcing the enemy to retreat once more from the outworks of the city. Governor Baker after suffering from illness, passed away on 30th June. Before his death, Baker called a council where it was decided that Mitchelburne, who was Deputy Governor during Baker’s bout of sickness, would succeed him as joint Governor with Walker. Baker’s death was a further blow to the already disparaged moral of the besieged who’s demise was “justly lamented by the garrison”. About this time, we are told that amongst the bombs fired upon the city, “there was one dead shell, in which a letter declaring to the soldiers the proposals made by Lieutenant General”. Included amongst this letter where Hamilton’s offer of surrender and Rosen’s threats towards unprotected Protestants outside the safety of the walls, to the effect of;
“that if we did not deliver the town to him by six the clock according to Lieutenant Gen. Hamilton’s proposals, he would dispatch his orders as far as Balishanny, Charlimont, Belfast and the barony of Inishowen, and rob and protect all protected as well as unproctected Protestants, and that they should be driven under the walls of Derry, where they should perish”.[30]
Shell that contained Hamilton’s proposals within- on display at St Columb’s Cathedral
Rosen was not bluffing. On the 2nd July, “the enemy drive the poor Protestants, according to their threatening, under our walls, protected and unprotected, men, women and children, and under great disease. There were some thousands of them, and they did move great compassion in us, but warmed us with new rage and fury against the enemy. Begging of us on their knees, not to take them into the town, but chose rather to perish under our walls.[32] Rather than guilt the garrison into submission, Rosen’s actions reinvigorated a down and out populous. When King James heard of Rosen’s plans for forcing Londonderry to surrender, he was reportedly horrified, stating;
none but a barbarous Muscovite could have thought of so cruel a contrivance[33]
With each day that passed, hunger became an ever more perilous issue. Walker’s “food list price” has become a most infamous document of the siege outlining what was on offer with its corresponding price. Walker also writes of a rather unfortunate overweight man who garnered the suspicions of the garrison, “we were under so great necessity, that we had nothing left unless we could prey upon another: a certain fat gentleman conceived himself in great danger, fancying several of the garrison lookt on him with a greedy eye, thought fit to hid himself for three days”. [34]
With tensions and hunger growing in equal measure, the idea of surrendering the city to the Jacobites was seriously considered by the “council of fourteen”. On the 11th July, the Williamites were offered terms for a parley. With the ships having set sail from Lough Foyle and with no indication of return, the garrison agreed to the offered parley, as Mackenzie writes, “We considered most of the ships were gone, we knew not whither; provisions grew extremely scarce, and therefor to gain time, it was thought advisable to agree to it”.[36] Further news arrived from Kirke’s fleet. Ash records that a small boy from the fleet arrived with a letter from Lieutenant David Mitchell for Governor Walker with the message that, “12,000 men are landed at Lough Swilly, and that 2,000 horse are gone round to land there also”.[37] However, it would later be revealed that this was a fabrication on Walker’s part, who “transcribed it, with some additions of his own”. The reality was that Kirke had sent “some to encamp at Inch”, rather than the thousands Walker claimed.
On the 13th July, the proposed parley commenced with representatives from the city arriving in the Jacobite camp. The most important takeaway from this meeting concerned the time of surrendering, with the Jacobites who “would grant no longer time till Monday, the 15th, at twelve o’clock”. [38]
Upon hearing of the terms offered, the council decided to agree to the terms of surrender if “the enemy would give us time till the 25th July”, dearly holding out for hope of the relief fleet’s arrival. On the 14th the two sides meet once more. However, a date could not be reached, and so bombardment of the city once again resumed. Further Jacobite attacks were to follow. 16th July saw a small party attack Butcher’s Gate, and “two regiments of the enemy marched down from their camp towards Windmill-hill”.
With the continued Jacobite bombardment and sallies to the gates, hope was all but lost for the Williamites. “But the hour of our extremity was the fit season for Divine Providence to interpose and render itself the more observable in our deliverance”. On the evening of the 28th (Walker records the 30th). July, Walker preached at St Columb’s Cathedral, reassuring his congregation that “God would at last deliver them from their difficulties they were under”. At roughly seven o’clock, the relief fleet was spotted on the Foyle, anchoring at Culmore point. Ash writes triumphally of this day as “a day to be remembered with thanksgiving by the besieged in Derry as long as they live”.[39] It appeared that the prayers of the city were answered. However, the prayers did not seem to operate at full capacity, as the wind slackened, meaning the floodtide could only carry the lead ship, The Mountjoy to the boom, where it was meet with considerable Jacobite resistance from the gun forts on either side of the Foyle. Men from the Mountjoy returned fire, as “the smoke of the shot both from the land and the ships, clouded her from our sight”. It appeared to the Williamites that The Mountjoy had run aground, with shouts of “huzza” from along the shore line. However, the Mountjoy firing from her broadside, along with an increasing tide was able to break from the shore. Thus, the Mountjoy made for the boom, breaking it. The rest of the fleet, along with the Phoenix of Coleraine and the Dartmouth arrived shortly thereafter. Walker writes that, “the ships got to us, to the unexpressible joy and transport of our distressed garrison, for we only reckoned upon two days’ life”.[40]
The following morning, the Williamites observed the Jacobites abandon their positions around Londonderry, and setting for march to Strabane. They were swiftly pursued by the Williamites, and upon learning of the defeat of the Jacobites at Enniskilling, “thought fit to make haste to get further off”. After a period of 105 days, and close to 10,000 dead within the city, the siege was over. With the successful defence of the Protestant citadel garrisons of Londonderry and Enniskillen, and with the further Williamite victories at Newtownbutler, the Boyne, Aughrim and Limerick, Jacobite Ireland was finished.
The defence of Londonderry was a tremendous strategic victory for the Williamites, ultimately ending James’ ambitions of regaining his three thrones. The success of the siege gave the Williamites the much needed confidence boost and propaganda victory for their cause to restore Protestantism to crown of Ireland. The siege of Londonderry’s impact was vast, setting the course for the future of the monarchy in England, Scotland, and Ireland, but also contributed to the outcome of the greater European conflict raging between the armies of the Grand Alliance and the Sun King.
“AND THEIR CRY WAS NO SURRENDER!”
Bibliography
Primary Sources
Aicken, Joseph, Londerrias, Londonderry: John Hempton, Diamond
Ash, T., 1861. The Siege and history of Londonderry.. Londonderry: John Hempton, Diamond.
Berwick, J., 1779. Memoirs of the Marshal Duke of Berwick. Written by himself. With a summary continuation from the year 1716, to his death in 1734. In two volumes. To this work is prefixed a sketch of an historical panegyric of the Marshal, by the President Montesquieu; … notes, and … letters relative to the campaign in Flanders, in 1708, are subjoined. Translated from the French. London: printed for T. Cadell.
MacKenzie, J. and Killen, W., n.d. Mackenzie’s Memorials of the Siege of Derry.
Walker, G., 1907. Reprint of Walker’s Diary of the siege of Derry, in 1688-89. Londonderry: Printed by J. Hempton & Co.
Secondary Sources
Childs, J., 2008. The Williamite wars in Ireland, 1688-91. London: Hambledon Continuum.
Doherty, R., 2016. The Siege of Derry 1689 The Military History. Chicago: The History Press.
Macpherson, J., 1776. Original papers containing the secret history of Great Britain. London: W. Strahan and T. Cadell.
Scott, B., 2008. The great guns like thunder. Derry: Guildhall Press.
Scott, B., 2015. THE DEPLOYMENT OF MORTARS IN IRELAND UP TO THE 1689 SIEGE OF LONDONDERRY. , Ulster Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 73(Third Series).
Simpson, R., 1987. , The Annals of Derry: Showing the Rise and Progress of the Town from the Earliest Accounts On Record to the Plantation Under King James I. 1613, and … the City of Londonderry to the Present Time. Limavady: North-West Books.
Young, W.R, Fighters of Derry; Their Deeds and Descendants being a chronicle of events in Ireland during the revolutionary period, 1688-1691. London, Eyre and Spottiswoode
Wills, J., n.d. A history of Ireland in the lives of Irishmen. London: Fullarton.
Witherow, T., 1913. Derry and Enniskillen in the year 1689. Belfast: W. Mullan & Son.
Figures
Figure 1- The Relief of Derry, George Frederick Folingsby (1830–1891) Derry City and Strabane District Council
Figure2- King William III, Peter Lely, 1677, oil on canvas, National Portrait Gallery, London
Figure 3- King James II, Godfrey Kneller, 1684, oil on canvas, National Portrait Gallery, London
Figure 4-, Richard Talbot, Earl of Tyrconnel, François de Troy, oil on canvas, 1690-1691, National Portrait Gallery
Figure 5- Aunt Charlotte’s Stories of English History for the Little Ones” by Charlotte M Yonge. Published by Marcus Ward & Co, London & Belfast, in 1884
Figures 6-9- The great guns like thunder. Derry: Guildhall Press.
Figure 10- Portrait of Major Baker (courtesy of Chapter House Museum, St Columb’s Cathedral)
Figure 11- George Walker, mezzotint, Ludolf Smids, published by Jacob Gale, 1690s, National Portrait Gallery
Figure 12- Gun crews firing and loading
Figure 13- A New Map of the / CITY of LONDONDERRY / with its Confines; / As it was beseiged by the IRISH ARMY in the Year 1689
Figure 14- Jacobite gunner
Figure 15- Map of Siege of Londonderry by Captain Archibald McCullough
Figure 16- canon on gun platform
Figure 17- Portrait (gravure) de Jean Bernard de Pointis (1645-1707), chef d’escadre de la Marine royale française
Figure 18- boom on the Foyle
Figure 19- Portrait, Hyacinthe Rigaud in 1705 ,Conrad von Rosen
Figure 20- The relief of Derry, the Mountjoy breaking the boom, C. B., Illustrator
[1] R. Simpson, The Annals of Derry: Showing the Rise and Progress of the Town from the Earliest Accounts On Record to the Plantation Under King James I. 1613, and … the City of Londonderry to the Present Time (Londonderry, 1847).
[2] Walker,G Narrative of Siege of Londonderry p.30
[3] Witherow, T, Derry and Enniskillen in the Year 1689, 1931 p.
[4] Memoirs of the Marshal Duke of Berwick, Written by Himself,1779 English translation kindly provided by Eve Devlin
[5] Witherow, T, Derry and Enniskillen in the Year 1689, 1931 p116
[6]Scott,B, THE DEPLOYMENT OF MORTARS IN IRELAND UP TO THE 1689 SIEGE OF LONDONDERRY, Ulster Journal of Archaeology, Third Series, Vol. 73 (2015-16), pp. 204-218
[8] Mackenzie, J, A Narrative of the Siege of Londonderry (London,1690) , in W.D Killen, Mackenzie’s Memorials of the Siege of Derry, (London,1861) p.39
[14] Mackenzie, J, A Narrative of the Siege of Londonderry (London,1690) , in W.D Killen, Mackenzie’s Memorials of the Siege of Derry, (London,1861) p.227
[16] Macpherson,J Secret History of Great Britain from the Restoration to the Accession of the House of Hanover,1775
[17] Scott,B, THE DEPLOYMENT OF MORTARS IN IRELAND UP TO THE 1689 SIEGE OF LONDONDERRY, Ulster Journal of Archaeology, Third Series, Vol. 73 (2015-16), pp. 204-218
[18] Walker,G Narrative of Siege of Londonderry p.121
[19] Witherow, T, Derry and Enniskillen in the Year 1689, 1931 p.138
[20] Walker,G Narrative of Siege of Londonderry p.121
[21] Mackenzie, J, A Narrative of the Siege of Londonderry (London,1690) , in W.D Killen, Mackenzie’s Memorials of the Siege of Derry, (London,1861) p.232
[22] Mackenzie, J, A Narrative of the Siege of Londonderry (London,1690) , in W.D Killen, Mackenzie’s Memorials of the Siege of Derry, (London,1861) p.229
“Five generations have since passed away; and still the walls of Londonderry is to the Protestants of Ulster what the trophy of Marathon was to the Athenians”.[1]
Figure 1- The Relief of Derry
On the 7th December 1688, the gates of the city of Londonderry were forcibly closed shut, barring entry to the king’s soldiers seeking admittance, the citizenry openly rebelling against the King. The significance of such an action would have both immediate and long term effects on the future of the city. For the Siege of Londonderry not only represented a clash of armies and ideologies in Ireland, but was the vocal point of a much larger power struggle that encompassed the future of the British crown, and the balance of power in Europe. The idea that this small frontier city on the edge of Europe could somehow wield such consequence may at first appear ludicrous, but when one understands what was at stake, such an idea becomes more plausible. The events leading up to the Siege of Londonderry provide both an interesting backstory to those pivotal 105 days, and the crucial context needed to understand just why it was so important when considering the outcome of the Williamite Wars in Ireland, and the larger conflict raging in Europe against the French King, Louis XIV as part of the War of the Grand Alliance.
The siege, as with any major event of the 17th century within Britain and Ireland, was inextricably tied to affairs of the Stuarts, more specifically, James II, a practicing Catholic. The idea of a Catholic King on the English throne was a most difficult proposition for many to accept, as is evidenced by the series of anti-Catholic propaganda policies, hysteria and exclusionist policies, such as the Popish Plot of 1678, The Test Acts and the Exclusion Crisis during the reign of James’ brother, King Charles II. However, nothing came of the campaign to prevent James’ accession, thus meaning England would have it’s first (and last) Catholic King in over a century. Most importantly, James reneged on the Test Acts, thus allowing Catholics serve in high ranking positions in civil and military life. James would actively pursue a policy of “Catholicization” of his realm, restoring Catholics to positions of influence within the Privy Council, Parliament, the army, and navy, traditionally held by Protestants. This fundamentally turned a Protestant army into a largely Catholic one within a year of James’ reign. This would be very much echoed in Ireland. By 1686, the religious denomination of the army in Ireland was roughly 67% Catholic.
Thus, the Protestant establishment therefore tolerated their Catholic King given that his daughter, and apparent heir, Mary would succeed her father as a Protestant monarch. They were not, however, prepared to tolerate a male, Catholic heir. James’ Catholic wife, the Italian, Mary of Modena, gave birth to a boy on the 10th June 1688, giving arise to the “warming pan” myth. This was the straw that broke the camel’s back. Essentially, this meant that Mary was supplanted as heir to the throne, thus allowing for a dynasty of Catholic monarchs to rule the three kingdoms.
Additionally, after putting down two anti- Catholic rebellions, (Monmouth and Argyll) James increased the size of the standing army considerably, causing much fear amongst the Protestant elite of a “Catholic takeover”. Come the end of 1685, the English army numbered in the region of 20,000 men. Furthermore, James issued the Declaration of Indulgence of 1672, which proposed public worship for all denominations of the Christian faith. The seven Anglican Bishops who rejected this proposition were imprisoned, further adding to fears of the erosion of Protestantism within public life. It must be remembered that Protestantism, more specifically, Anglicanism, made up the social fabric of 17th century England. Any attempt to dismantle this dominion of power was unacceptable. James was seemingly unconcerned with alienating the established church that would ultimately lead to his downfall. With James unable to implement his policies of Catholic toleration through Parliament, he would do what his father had done four decades earlier; prorogue Parliament, and assume absolute power. For the second time in 17th century England, a Stuart monarch would come to blows with his Parliament.
On the 10th July 1688 (old style) an invitation was sent to William, Prince of Orange by the “Immortal Seven”, a coalition of leading members of Parliament, and made up of both Whigs and Tories. Such was the mindset of these men that they would rather have a foreign born, Protestant King, than an English born, Catholic King. They asked William, who was married to James’ daughter, Mary, to assume the thrones of England, Scotland and Ireland. With James’ disastrous response on the Salisbury Plains, later fleeing to France, the Convention Parliament declared James had abdicated his throne, and proclaimed William and Mary as joint monarchs, being crowned on the 21st April 1689 . Whilst William’s accession to the throne, and the Glorious Revolution by in large went by with little opposition, his control over the three realms was not entirely secure. The most pressing was Ireland, where James II was still technically king. On the 12th March 1689, under pressure from his cousin, the French King, Louis XIV, James would make for Ireland, arriving in Kinsale, Co. Cork. Controlling Ireland was of utmost importance for James. For if he controlled Ireland, he could make a serious attempt to regain his throne by using Ireland as a steppingstone to reclaim Britain. Upon his arrival, James would be greeted with a significant degree of support from Ireland’s majority Catholic population, in part due to historical context e.g Catholics sided with James’ father, King Charles I during the 1641 rebellion, and the Irish Confederate Wars 1642-1653. Furthermore, the actions of Richard Talbot, (also known as “lying dick Talbot”) Earl of Tyrconnel played a crucial role in drumming up support for James. Talbot had pursued a most swift strategy of purging Protestant soldiers and officers from the Irish army. Roughly in the region of some 4,000 Protestant were removed, to be replaced by Catholics on the grounds that were “Old Cromwellians”.
Figure 2- King William III Figure 3- King James IIFigure 4- Richard Talbot, Earl of Tyrconnell
If the rapid removal of Protestants within the army gave rise to the notion of persecution against the Protestants of Ireland, the discovery of the Comber Letter all but confirmed this in their minds. The letter was discovered in the small County Down town of Comber, addressed to Hugh Montgomery, Second Earl of Mountalexander. The letter warned of an imminent massacre of Protestants across Ireland;
“I have written to you to let you know that all our Irishmen through Ireland is sworn; that on the ninth day of this month they are all to fall on to kill and murder man, wife, and child”.[2]
Whilst almost assuredly a hoax, the letter spread like wildfire across Protestant Ireland, with the memories of the 1641 rebellion still fresh in the minds of Ulster Protestants. A diarist and clergyman present during the siege commented;
The memory of the miseries of ’41 was fresh, and they were loath to trust themselves now in the same hands that seemed to have now more power and better pretence to act those barbarities over again[3]
The letter would reach Londonderry on the 7th December, upon receival by Alderman John Tompkins, and the former Governor of Londonderry, Colonel George Phillips, then residing in Newton Limavady. Phillips sent two messengers to Londonderry warning of the arrival of the Earl of Antrim’s regiment to replace the recently departed and largely Protestant regiment of William Stewart, 1st Viscount Mountjoy, of which Tyrconnell had ordered to leave Londonderry for Dublin only a couple of weeks prior on the 23rd November 1688, deeming them to be too unreliable for such an important posting. They were to be replaced by the regiment of Alexander MacDonnell, Earl of Antrim, which comprised of “six to eight” companies of Irish Glensmen and Scottish Highlanders, known as the “Redshanks” and numbering somewhere in the region of 1,200 men. The Reverend George Walker in his diary of the siege would write;
It pleased God so to infatuate the Councils of my Lord Tyrconnel, that when the three Thousand Men were sent to England to assist his Master against the Invasion of the Prince of Orange, he took par- ticular care to send away the whole Regiment Quartered in and about this City ; he soon saw his Error, and endeavoured to repair it, by Commanding my Lord Antrim to Quarter there with his Regiment, consisting of a numerous swarm of Irish and Highlanders[4]
The Redshanks reached Newton Limavady on 6th December, 20km outside of Londonderry. Phillips’s message reached the city a day later on the 7th, with the courier stating he had passed Antrim’s regiment 3km from the River Foyle. Phillips’ second letter advised the walled city to shut its gates, assuming that the Redshanks were to be the perpetrators of the massacre mentioned in the Comber Letter[5]
With the 9th December fast approaching, the inhabitants of Londonderry were faced with a stark decision. They could either admit the Redshanks into the city, risking the foretold massacre, or they could shut the gates as warned to by Colonel Phillips. However, such an action would be outright treason, as the Earl of Antrim’s regiment was acting upon the orders of Tyrconnel, the King’s Lord Deputy in Ireland. There was a tremendous level of fear that Antrim’s Regiment would replace the largely Protestant regiment that had been garrisoned within the city with a Catholic one. Mackenzie writes,
The Lord Mountjoy’s Regiment of Foot (a well disciplined battalion) was then garrisoned in and about Londonderry and their colonel, several of the officers, and some of the soldiers being Protestants, the inhabitants of that city looked on their being there as a great security to them, and dreaded the thoughts of their removal.[6]
The Bishop of the city, Dr Ezekiel Hopkins warned against denying entry to Antrim’s Regiment, citing such an action would be an affront to God and his divinely appointed King. The 7th December saw the arrival of three companies of Antrim’s Regiment, commanded by a lieutenant and an ensign, reach the Foyle’s east bank. Furthermore, they were ferried across and welcomed into the city by the Deputy Mayor, John Buchanan and Sheriff Kennedy.[7] A contemporary poem featured within Aicken’s Londerrias, offers an insight to Hopkins’s frame of mind;
Upon witnessing this event transpire, a group of young men, nine in number, later to be joined by an additional four to their group of apprentices, raised their swords and seized the keys to Ferry Gate, hauled up the drawbridge before finally slamming shut the gate. History would come to know these young men as the “Apprentice Boys”. Their names were as follows;
The motives of The Apprentice Boys are uncertain, but we can assume they were inspired, or at least encouraged, by the outspoken Presbyterian Minister, Reverend James Gordon who had repeatedly called for the gates to be shut. As Mackenzie states;
Mr Gordon, a Nonconformist minister, what was expedient to be done, who not only advised to the shutting of the gates, but wrote that day to several neighbouring parishes to put themselves into a posture assisting the city[10]
Furthermore, Mackenzie records that a citizen by the name of James Morrison stood upon the walls of Ferry Gate, and proceeded to shout toward the Redshanks below;
The Irish soldiers in the meantime, stood at the gate, fretting at their present disappointment, that they should be forced to wait like scoundrels, where they hoped to domineer as lords, till one, Mr. James Morrison, a citizen, having in vain warned them to be gone, called aloud, “Bring about a great gun here”, the very name whereof sent them packing in great haste and fight to their fellows on the other side the water[11]
Regardless of the authenticity of such a statement, the Redshanks camped outside Ferry Gate crossed the east bank of the Foyle, and returned to their regiment. With one regiment seemingly fended off, another came to be regarded with great suspicion by the citizens of the city. The once lauded regiment of Mountjoy had returned to Londonderry from Dublin at the behest of Talbot;
“to use our endeavours with the citizens of that place to receive us as a gareson”[12]
Figure 5
Additionally, Mountjoy’s regiment now consisted of a large number of Roman Catholics, further adding to the suspicions of the citizenry, combined with the unfavourable martial situation of the city. Mackenzie writes that whilst the city was “protected by a good guard” upon the walls;
8th December, since they wanted both arms and ammunition, they broke open the magazine, and took out thence about 150 muskets, with some quantity of match, and one barrel of powder, and bullets proportionable. There was in the magazine at that time but eight or nine barrels of powder in all, and about two more in the town (two or three of those were not fit for use). There were but few arms fixed, and those designed for the Irish regiment, the rest, being about a thousand more, were much out of order.[13]
The arrival of Mountjoy’s Regiment to the walled city introduced one of the siege’s most infamous of figures, Lieutenant-Colonel Robert Lundy. Lundy enters this great epoch of Irish history accompanying Lord Mountjoy, who along with 6 of his companies, rode to Londonderry, arriving on the morning of 21st December, upon which demanded entry via Bishop’s Gate. Talks between Mountjoy and the city elders were instigated, with an amicable arrangement being made between the two parties. To surmise, the agreement stated that companies of Lieutenant Colonel Robert Lundy and Captain William Stewart would comprise of solely Protestant soldiers, and would be permitted to quarter within the city. Additionally, Lundy would take up the mantle of Governor of Londonderry. Lundy would enter the city on 22nd December with his two companies, with further agreement being made that no other companies should enter the city before 10th March.
Lundy’s main task after having been appointed Governor was to oversee the defences of the city. Action against the rebels in Londonderry was now certain, and responsibility fell upon the Governor to prepare for whatever eventual action may befall the city. Lundy was quick to highlight the inadequacies of the city’s defences.
The instructions given to Lundy stressed the importance of preparing the city in the eventuality of a potential Jacobite attack. This included tasks such as; furnishing the garrison with provisions and ammunition needed for their defence, break down bridges leading to the city, cut dykes. Increased attention was given to the city gates, guns and their carriages, with additional works being made on the city walls and fortifications. Furthermore, Lundy was to erect palisades where necessary. Lundy would also note that the walls were;
misirably out of repair and surrounded with dunghills as High as themselves[14]
Furthermore, Lundy formed six new companies, adding to the five already raised within the walls by David Cairns. Mackenzie in his account records the recently formed companies;
With Lundy preparing Londonderry for an inevitable assault, the Irish Jacobite forces, accompanied by their French allies, controlled much of Ireland, including large swathes of Ulster. Under the command of Lieutenant General Richard Hamilton, the Jacobites won a series of victories, most notably on the 14th March 1689 with “The Rout of Dromore” in the small County Down town of Dromore. Eastern Ulster would fall into Jacobite control, of particular importance, Lisburn, Hillsborough, Carrickfergus and Belfast. The Protestant forces under Sir Arthur Rawdon were vastly outnumbered by their Jacobite foes, who captured Hillsborough Castle.[16] The “Protestant Army of the North” was now confined to the walled cities of Enniskillen and Londonderry.
With much of Ulster in dire straits, Lundy would make another significant contribution to the defence of Londonderry by ordering a mass retreat of Protestants from Dungannon, Cavan, Coleraine and Monaghan to the walled city. The roads leading to the Londonderry were filled with Protestant refugees, for it was only Londonderry and Enniskillen that provided any hope of resistance to King James’ army. Droves of Protestants crossed the topography of northwest Ulster, where they finally reached their haven of Londonderry. By the time the final streams of refugees made their way into the city, the defences had improved tenfold. Lundy’s efforts were of the utmost significance. His experience in siege warfare gained during his time in Tangier with the Royal Regiment of Foot was of invaluable importance to the defenders of the city. [17] He recognised the sophistication of the French military engineers within the Jacobite ranks, thus how best to defend against such a foe. Lundy made a number of last-minute decisions to bolster the city’s defences further; levelling of the suburbs, completing the ravelin and bringing in additional provisions to the city. Furthermore, a large gun was brought to Londonderry from the nearby Culmore Fort by order of Colonel Lundy. Additionally, Captain Thomas Ash, in his journal of the siege, comments on Lundy’s efforts to further prepare the city’s defences, ordering the houses next to the Waterside to be burned to the ground. [18]
The presence of Jacobite forays to the outskirts of the walled city become more frequent. On the 13th April, Ash records that; “A considerable party of King James’s army came near the Waterside of Derry, and fixed a cannon on the bastion next Ferrygate, but did no execution… The enemy again drew off and encamped at Ballyowen that night”.[19] With the alarming Jacobite vanguard sightings from the walls, it was decided by the Council of War that a more proactive approach was to be adopted. Mackenzie writes;
all officers and soldiers, horse, dragoons and foot, that can or will fight for their country and religion against Popery, shall appear on the fittest ground near Cladyford, Linford, and Longcausey, as shall be nearest to their several and respective quarters, there to draw up in battalions to be ready to fight the enemy.[20]
By the 14th April, James’ Generals, Richard Hamilton and Jean Camus, the Marquis de Pusignan, would reach Strabane, a mere 15 miles south of Londonderry. For the Jacobite forces to arrive at the walled city, they had to cross the west bank of the River Foyle, which included crossing the passes where the Foyle begins, with the two smaller rivers of the Finn and the Mourne. The first series of engagements of the siege would occur several miles from the city of Londonderry with the passes of these rivers manned by Williamites, who were ordered to bring with them a week’s worth of provisions. They made a considerable effort to secure the crossing at the River Finn, having repelled any Jacobite advances across the ford. The following day, Lundy would led the core force of his army out of the city, to further repel the Jacobites at Lifford and Claudy. The size of Lundy’s force varies in estimation anywhere from 5,000-10,000 men, the number being reinforced on its march to Lifford. Jacobite General, Richard Hamilton estimated there were in the region of 10,000 rebels on the banks of the Finn, where he crossed with three squadrons of cavalry, two of dragoons and 1,000 strong infantry.
So it was on the 15th April that two Jacobite cavalry vanguards, lead by Richard Hamilton and Rosen, attacked the Williamite defences on the passes, with Hamilton attacking those of Castlefinn and Clady. Whilst the pass at Castlefinn was successfully defended by Colonel Clotworthy Skeffington’s regiment, commanded by Mitchelburne. Additionally, Colonel Adam Murray, commanding Stewart’s regiment of thirty dragoons, held back the Jacobites “until their ammunition was spent”.[21] However, Claudy was a disaster for the Williamite defenders. Those Williamites that made it to Claudy were a disorganised rabble to put it bluntly. The officers were confused in their objectives, the soldiers untrained, there was little in the way of ammunition and a mixture of antique muskets, pitch forks and scythes, made any attempt of a serious Williamite defence unlikely.[22] Lundy’s men made a general retreat to the city, paving the way open to Londonderry for the Jacobites. It is with this failure that ultimately proved to be the downfall for Lundy. Ash would write,
The enemy came over at Claudy-ford without much opposition, although there were five to one against them, which caused suspicion that Colonel Lundy was a traitor to our cause; for had he marched our army on Sunday the fourteenth, the enemy had not all probably so easily gotten over”.[23]
Ash was not alone in his accusations against Lundy. David Cairns, who had just returned from a trip to London, where he successfully guaranteed supplies and means of support from King William for the city’s defence, was dismayed to find crowds of men and officers leaving they city in a panicked state, “Colonel Lundy had offered passes to the officers, and spoke so discouragingly to many of them, concerning the indefensibleness of the place, that they strongly suspected he had a design to give it up”[24],thus suggesting treachery on Lundy’s part to Cairns.[25] Furthermore, Mackenzie records how Cairns repeatedly warned Lundy for the need to be hasty in preparing the defences of the passes;
The body of the enemy’s army marched up towards Strabane, part of them within view of the city, whereupon Mr Cairns went twice to Governor Lund, pressuring him to take some speedy effectual care for securing the passes of Fin Water, lest the enemy should get over before our men could meet. He replied in a carless manner that he had given orders already, but how little was actually done towards the prevention of it the next day gave us a sad demonstration. The same day several others sent word to Governor Lundy, that if he did not march the men that day, the enemy would certainly prevent their getting together in any orderly body. But their advice was not regarded.[26]
Events would take another turn with the arrival of King James before the walls. James, who had by now joined his Irish Jacobite army, made his way to Londonderry from Dublin, leaving on the 8th and making his way north via Armagh, Charlemont and Dungannon before finally reaching the walled city on the 18th April.[27] James, who, according to the Duke of Berwick had been reassured by Rosen that his presence alone would cause the defenders behind the walls to see the error of their ways, and immediately lay down their arms, would present himself before Bishop’s Gate. However, unbeknownst to James, an agreement had been made between the defenders of the city and Richard Hamilton that no Jacobites would come within “four miles of the city”.[28] To their great surprise, the King himself appeared before the walls. With confusion reigning, the Williamites fired upon James;
But our men on the walls paid so little deference to either them or their orders, and so little regarded the secret treaties they were managing with the enemy, that when King James’ forces were advancing towards them on the strand, they presently fired their great guns at them, and, as was confidently reported, killed one Captain Troy, near the King*s person. This unexpected salutation not only struck a strange terror into the Irish camp, but put ;the King himself into some disorder, to find himself so roughly and unmannerly treated by those from whom he expected so dutiful a compliance.[29]
Lundy’s time as governor of Londonderry came to a rather bitter end. With the failure to adequately defend the passes, the mood within the city turned sour, and prior suspicions of Lundy’s intentions of surrender became outright accusations of treachery. Colonel Adam Murray, who had been at Culmore Fort, received an express letter outlining Lundy’s plans to surrender the city to James, made great haste to Londonderry, before finally confronting Lundy. Mackenzie details this interaction between the two men as follows;
This same council this day proceeded to conclude a surrender, and drew up a paper to that purpose, which most of them Signed, and as far as I could ever leam^ all of them
But to return to Captain Murray, the multitude having eagerly desired and expected his coming, followed him through the streets with great expressions of their respect and affection. He assured them he would stand by them in defence of their lives and the Protestant interest, and assist them immediately to suppress Lundy and his council, to prevent their design of surrendering the city ; desiring all who would concur with him herein, to put a white cloth on their left arm, which they generally did, being also encouraged to it by Captain Bashford, Captain Noble, and others. This greatly alarmed and perplexed the Governor and his council They conclude to send for him, and try if they can prevail with him to sign the paper for surrendering the city.
Captain Murray told him plainly his late actions had declared him either fool or knave : and to make this charge good he insisted on his gross neglect to secure the passes at Strabane, Lifford, and Clady, refusing ammunition when sent for, riding away from an army of ten or twelve thousand men, able and willing to have encountered the enemy, neglecting the advantageous passes of Longcausey and Carrigins, which a few men might have de- fended, &c. He urged him to take the field, and fight the enemy, assuring him of the readiness of the soldiers, whom he vindicated from those aspersions of cowardice which Colonel Lundy cast on them ; and when Colonel Lundy persuaded him to join with the gentlemen there present, who had signed a paper for surrendering the town, and offered several arguments to that purpose, drawn from their danger ; he absolutely re- fused it, unless it were agreed on in a general council of the officers, which he alleged that could not be, since there were as many absent as present[30]
Lundy’s time was up, as Ash writes, “Colonel Lundy deserted our garrison, and went in disguise to Scotland, and by this proved the justness of our former suspicions”.[31] A new Governor was needed, and with the popular choice of Colonel Adam Murray refusing, “because he judged himself fitter for action and service in the field, than for conduct or government”.[32] The duty to see the city through the siege fell upon Colonel Henry Baker, and Reverend George Walker, who were elected as joint Governors on the 19th April. They divided the city into sectors and assigned a regiment to each sector. Two cannon are mounted on the tower of St Columb’s Cathedral, facing south towards the Jacobite lines with the remaining cannon placed along the walls.
Figures 6-9
[1] Macaulay, T.B The History of England from the Accession of James II (London,1953) p. 58
[2] Mackenzie, J, A Narrative of the Siege of Londonderry (London,1690) , in W.D Killen, Mackenzie’s Memorials of the Siege of Derry, (London,1861) p.8
[5] Childs, J. 2017, The Williamite Wars in Ireland 1689-1691 p. 5
[6] Mackenzie, J, A Narrative of the Siege of Londonderry (London,1690) , in W.D Killen, Mackenzie’s Memorials of the Siege of Derry, (London,1861) p.7
[7] Childs, J. 2017, The Williamite Wars in Ireland 1689-1691 p.6
[9] Walker,G Narrative of Siege of Londonderry p.94
[10] Mackenzie, J, A Narrative of the Siege of Londonderry (London,1690) , in W.D Killen, Mackenzie’s Memorials of the Siege of Derry, (London,1861) p.9
[12] Dougherty, R. The Siege of Derry 1689 The Military History (Stroud, 2010) p.33
[13] Mackenzie, J, A Narrative of the Siege of Londonderry (London,1690) , in W.D Killen, Mackenzie’s Memorials of the Siege of Derry, (London,1861) p.
[15] Mackenzie, J, A Narrative of the Siege of Londonderry (London,1690) , in W.D Killen, Mackenzie’s Memorials of the Siege of Derry, (London,1861) p13
[16] Witherow, T, Derry and Enniskillen in the Year 1689, 1931
[17]Dougherty, R. The Siege of Derry 1689 The Military History (Stroud, 2010) p57
[18] Ash,T Circumstantial Journal of the Siege of Londonderry, p.280
[19] Ash, T, A Circumstantial Journal of the Siege of Londonderry, 1792, p. 280 &281
[20] Mackenzie, J, A Narrative of the Siege of Londonderry (London,1690) , in W.D Killen, Mackenzie’s Memorials of the Siege of Derry, (London,1861) p.29&30
[21] R. Simpson, The Annals of Derry: Showing the Rise and Progress of the Town from the Earliest Accounts On Record to the Plantation Under King James I. 1613, and … the City of Londonderry to the Present Time (Londonderry, 1847).
[22]Childs, J. 2017, The Williamite Wars in Ireland 1689-1691 p.70
[23] Ash, T, A Circumstantial Journal of the Siege of Londonderry,1792, p. 281
[24] Mackenzie, J, A Narrative of the Siege of Londonderry (London,1690) , in W.D Killen, Mackenzie’s Memorials of the Siege of Derry, (London,1861) p
[25] Cairns, D History of Ireland in the Lives of Irishmen
[26] Mackenzie, J, A Narrative of the Siege of Londonderry (London,1690) , in W.D Killen, Mackenzie’s Memorials of the Siege of Derry, (London,1861) p.29&30
[27]Witherow, T, Derry and Enniskillen in the Year 1689, 1931 p.101
[28] Walker,G Narrative of Siege of Londonderry p.25
[29] Mackenzie, J, A Narrative of the Siege of Londonderry (London,1690) , in W.D Killen, Mackenzie’s Memorials of the Siege of Derry, (London,1861) p.35
[30] Mackenzie, J, A Narrative of the Siege of Londonderry (London,1690) , in W.D Killen, Mackenzie’s Memorials of the Siege of Derry, (London,1861) p.36
[31] Ash, T, A Circumstantial Journal of the Siege of Londonderry,1792, p. 281
[32] Mackenzie, J, A Narrative of the Siege of Londonderry (London,1690) , in W.D Killen, Mackenzie’s Memorials of the Siege of Derry, (London,1861) p38
Sunday 12 June marks the centenary of the disbandment of the Irish regiments of the British Army from the south of Ireland. On 12 June 1922, King George V received the Colours of The Royal Irish Regiment, The Connaught Rangers, The Prince of Wales’s Leinster Regiment, The Royal Munster Fusiliers and The Royal Dublin Fusiliers for safekeeping at Windsor Castle where they remain to this day. The South Irish Horse disbanded on 31 July that year. To mark the centenary the Combined Irish Regiments Association held a parade at the Cenotaph in London this morning, while in Dublin the regimental associations will held a service in St. Patrick’s Cathedral, Dublin.
The Combined Irish Regiments Association organised a wonderful parade to mark the occasion. Standards were paraded in to the music of The Pipes and Drums – London Irish Rifles Association. Members on parade included the Royal British Legion, the Leinster Regiment Association, Irish Guards, Royal Irish Regiment, and the Irish Defence Forces, along with veterans and family descendants of those who served.
At St. Patrick’s Cathedral, the beautiful service also remembered the disbandment of the South Irish Horse. The event was organised by the Royal Dublin Fusiliers Association on behalf of all the regimental associations including: the Royal Munster Fusiliers, Connaught Rangers, 18th Reg of Foot Royal Irish Regiment Association, and the Leinster Regiment association. To the pipes of Anthony Byrne, the regimental standards marched through the cathedral to the ‘Last of the Great Whales’. A beautiful ceremony followed with regimental songs sung by the St. Patrick’s Cathedral choir. In attendance was the Lord Mayor of Dublin, Cllr Alison Gilliland, Ambassadors, members of the Oireachtas, the Irish Defence Forces, the Royal Irish Regiment, and descendants and family of those who served in the regiments. Lest we forget.
Commissioning of 97th Cadet Class and 11th Potential Officers Class
Photos by John O’Byrne
Earlier today the commissioning of the 97th Cadet Class and 11th Potential Officers Class took place in Collins Barracks, Dublin. The ceremony is a very important and proud day for the members of both classes and represents the successful completion of intensive military training.
The 97th Cadet Class began their training on 5 October 2020, in the Military College, Defence Forces Training Centre. Over the course of the last 18 months they have completed numerous military, tactical, physical and academic challenges. The class is comprised of cadets from the Army, Air Corps, Ordnance Corps, Corps of Engineers and cadets from the Armed Forces of Malta.
The 24 Non-Commissioned Officer students of the 11th Potential Officers Course (POC) commenced training on the 26 April 2021, in the Military College. These students followed in the footsteps of only just over 200 NCOs who have completed a Potential Officers Course, commissioning from the ranks, as Officers of Óglaigh na hÉireann In total, the students of the 11th POC have a combined service of 409 years, with individual service ranging from 9 to 24 years respectively, and a total of 79 missions overseas in the service of the State, in countries such as Kosovo, Bosnia, Chad, Mali, Afghanistan, Lebanon, Syria, and many more. Student individual specialisations include special forces operator, sniper, reconnaissance commander, armoured reconnaissance, logistician, administration, aircraft maintenance, human performance, electronic warfare specialists and many more skillsets from the broad spectrum of military operations.
The commissioning ceremony consisted of the Oath of Commissioning being read out by a Commissioned Officer and repeated by all Officer-Cadets. Each Officer-Cadet then marched forward in line. The Officer-Cadet then had their rank markings uncovered by an Investing Officer of The Irish Defence Forces. The Officer-Cadet then marched forward and congratulated by the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Defence, Mr. Simon Coveney, T.D. on behalf of An tUachtarán, Michael D. Higgins. The newly-Commissioned Officer then marched over to the Sergeant Major of the Cadet School, Regimental Sergeant Major Stephen O’Neill, for his/her first salute.
The Lieutenant General William Callaghan Sword is awarded to the best Potential Officer in tactical exercises and practical leadership. It was presented by Lt. Gen. William Callaghan (RIP), former Force Commander, United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon. It consists of a sword mounted on a mahogany backing, on which a brass plate has the following inscription:
Awarded annually to the soldier who obtained 1st place in Tactical Training and Practical Leadership Ability.
This year’s winners included Cadet Ryan Bradley and Captain Bryan Collins.
A first for a Defence Forces was the commissioning of a husband and wife team: Lieutenant Valerie Cole and Captain Philip Cole were students together on the 11th Potential Officers Course.
There to congratulate the newly commissioned cadets was the Defence Forces Chief of Staff, Lieutenant General Seán Clancy,
Centenary of Handover of Power to Provisional Government
Photos by John O’Byrne
Updated 20 January 2022
On 16 January 1922 at 13:45, the last Lord Lieutenant, or Viceroy, of Ireland – Edmund FitzAlan-Howard – formally handed over power and Dublin Castle itself, to the new Provisional Government. Today marks the 100th anniversary of this historic moment – one of the most significant in modern Irish history. It is an honour to attend the State commemoration today in the Upper Castle Yard of Dublin Castle to mark the centenary of the hand over. In attendance are the President of Ireland – Michael D Higgins, An Taoiseach – Micheál Martin TD, Tánaiste – Leo Varacdkar TD, members of the Dáil and Seanad, and the and diplomatic corps. Members of the Defence Forces are providing the ceremonial honours for the occasion. For those at home the ceremony is being broadcast live on RTÉ One.
Film clip of the handover ceremony of Dublin Castle in 16 January 1922, from British Pathé News Archive.
Members of the Defence Forces played a prominent ceremonial role at the centenary commemoration of the handover of power on 16 January 1922 to the Provisional Government in Dublin Castle. The Captain’s Guard of Honour – commanded by Captain Shane Flood – was made up of personnel from 3 Infantry Battalion, Stephen’s Barracks, Kilkenny; the Guard of Honours Flag Officer was Second Lieutenant Zara Bolger. The Captain’s Escort of Honour – commanded by Captain Michael Conneely – was provided by 2 Cavalry Squadron from Cathal Brugha Barracks. The No 1 Army Band conducted by Captain John Carpenter, was accompanied by Piper – Company Sergeant Kevin Duncan. The National Flag was carried on parade and raised by Captain Paul Ryan – Officer Training Wing, and Sergeant Shirley Stafford – No. 3 Operations Wing. Shirley has unbroken family service since 1922. Her Great Grandfather Christopher Jordan – service No. 4869 – enlisted on 13 April 1922. Other ceremonial components were made up representatives from the 7 Infantry Battalion, Air Corps and Naval Service.
A Strong Voice for Veterans – The Veterans Commissioner For Northern Ireland
Recognising the challenges facing veterans today Danny Kinahan was appointed as Northern Ireland’s first Veterans Commissioner in September 2020. Since that time Danny, a British Army veteran himself, and his team – Alan Murphy and Rachael Harger – have been working with veterans’ support organisations throughout the island of Ireland, advocating for better supports, listening to the challenges, and urging veterans to get in touch.
Many who leave the armed services may not require help – but others do across a number of areas. This might include mental or physical health – or to other matters such as housing and retraining. Getting the right supports to veterans is an ongoing challenge.
Over the past eight months we have been working with Danny and his team to help produce a series of videos to help introduce him and his team, and promote their work and veterans supports throughout the island of Ireland. We would encourage veterans’ charities/organisations and veterans themselves to share this video in order to help communicate the message: if you need help there is support.
If you are a former member of the British Armed Forces on the island of Ireland that needs support or you know a such a veteran that needs support you can contact the Northern Ireland Veterans Commissioner’s Office or the Northern Ireland Veterans’ Support Office, details below.
We would like to thank the following organisations for their help during the production of this video: Decorum NI, Frontier Pipes and Drums, Inspire Wellbeing, Horses for People, The Not Forgotten Association, The Royal British Legion (Northern Ireland), The Royal British Legion (Rep. of Ireland), and The Soldiers, Sailors, Airmen and Families Association
The centenary of the Ulster Memorial Tower was commemorated this morning in Northern France.
Inaugurated on 19 November 1921, the Ulster Tower at Thiepval on the Somme commemorates the sacrifice of soldiers from Ulster and across the island of Ireland during the First World War. The Ulster Tower stands on the ground attacked at great cost by the 36th (Ulster) Division on the first day of the Battle of the Somme on 1 July 1916.
The combined musicians of the Bugles Pipes and Drums, Regimental Band of the Royal Irish Regiment and the Irish Defence Forces 2nd Brigade Band, march on the standards provided by members of the Royal British Legion.
This morning’s commemoration was attended by dignitaries including First Minister of Northern Ireland Paul Givan MLA, Ireland’s Minister of State Department of the Taoiseach and the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade with responsibility for EU Affairs Thomas Byrne TD, British Ambassador to France Her Excellency Menna Rawlings and Counsellor at the Irish Embassy in Paris Owen Feeney. The service was led by Rt. Rev. Dr. David Bruce, Moderator of the Presbyterian Church in Ireland; Rev. Dr. Sahr Yamhasu, President of the Methodist Church in Ireland; and The Most Revd. Francis John McDowell, Archbishop of Armagh.
The ceremony was supported by the Bugles, Pipes and Drums and the Regimental Band of the British Army’s Royal Irish Regiment and by the 2nd Brigade Band of the Irish Defence Forces. The military musicians were accompanied by mezzo-soprano and alto Emma Brown who sung You’ll Never Walk Alone.
Following the ceremony First Minister Mr. Givan said: “It’s an honour for me to be here today on this historic occasion to mark 100 years of the Ulster Tower which memorialises the sacrifice that was made by the men of the 36th Ulster Division and remembers those who served from right across Ireland in the First World War.”
“The connections with the Ulster Division and the Irish Division is something that we always need to remember, where people stood side by side irrespective of their religion or indeed their identity, whether they were British or Irish, they shed blood together here in the trenches and stood in common cause for the freedoms that we enjoy today.”
Reiterating the importance of today’s commemoration Minister Thomas Byrne stated: “It is an honour to be here at the Ulster Tower. It is essential that we commemorate all those who died in battle during World War One, knowing that the soldiers that are commemorated here are from all nine counties of Ulster and many are from across the island of Ireland North and South fought in World War One and died in World War One. It is critical that we continue to honour their memories and to work always for peace and reconciliation both at home and indeed across the globe.
Today’s event was organised by the Somme Association, based in Newtownards, County Down, who are responsible for the maintenance of the Ulster Tower.
As the combined Royal Irish Regiment and Defence Forces bands marched from the Ulster Memorial Tower at the end of the centenary commemoration last week to the tune of On Raglan Road, it was a moment to reflect on the importance on the occasion. The Ulster Memorial Tower stands tribute to those from the province of Ulster, in particular to members of the 36th Ulster Division, who fought during the Great War and especially those who made the ultimate sacrifice. Today it is sacred ground.
Ulster Tower Centenary Album
Ulster Tower Memorial Centenary 19 November 2021 Thiepval , France, Photos by John O’Byrne
